Cold War

Stanislav Yevgrafovich Petrov: Not On My Watch

The Enemy Who Saved the World

contributed by Barbara Kaufmann

 

The nightly mantra went something like this: “When they do come and I get vaporized, I hope I don’t feel it. If there is no hope and nothing left, then please God, take me and everyone else straight to Heaven.”The end was only and always, one millisecond away. I was deathly afraid of Russians, the word “Communist” brought shivers while the image of St. Basil’s Cathedral resurrected terror from the heart and bile from the stomach. No one in my generation expected to live past thirty.

If by some miracle I were to live, I vowed: “when I am a grown up, I will do something” because none of the adults were doing anything, and I couldn’t understand how they could let this madness go on. They spoke of the only viable retaliatory military option: “mutually assured destruction.” MAD. Mad? Viable? Not until I was an adult myself and decades into the peace movement as an activist, and in the Sister Cities program with Russians, did I learn just how close we came to doomsday. And ironically, it would be a Russian who would save us.

Stanislav Yevgrafovich Petrov  (Станислав Евграфович Петров) born 1939, and now a retired Lieutenant Colonel  from the Soviet Air Defense Forces, on September 26, 1983, suspended the madness and saved the world from nuclear annihilation. Petrov was on watch stationed in the Serpukhov-15 secret location near Moscow within the early warning system bunker code-named Oko. The newly inaugurated system signaled the launch of a U.S. Minuteman intercontinental ballistic missile which was used for one purpose only—to launch a first strike or immediate counterstrike in case of nuclear alert or launch from an enemy.  The Soviet Molnyia, vast elliptical orbiting satellites, were supposed to decrease the likelihood of natural phenomena being mistaken for a launch.  However during that midnight Autumn Equinox in 1983, the sun’s reflection on high altitude clouds against the darkness of space mimicked the launch of first one, then later several, U.S. missiles on a trajectory toward the Soviet Union.

It was a particularly volatile time because just three weeks before this incident, the Soviet Air Force had shot down Korean Air Flight 007 with 269 people on board including United States Congressman Larry McDonald and several other Americans. President Reagan had implemented Able Archer 83 Defense System which the Soviets interpreted as an American first strike nuclear plan and policy. Soviet Premier Yuri Andropov was utterly convinced that the American government was planning an all out first strike nuclear attack against the Soviet Union and in anticipation, had implemented a LAW- launch at warning order instead of the usual required confirmation of actual attack. The confirmation would mean that Petrov notify his superiors only after noting the actual radar presence of missiles on the horizon of Soviet Air Space. Waiting for the radar to confirm an actual launch would mean loss of strategic retaliation advantage since waiting for that close range confirmation would lose valuable time for an effective retaliatory launch. Confirmation had been scrapped for the launch at warning dictum.

The LAW in MAD or Launch on Warning in a Mutually Assured Destruction scenario was a dangerous doomsday moment in the world’s close encounter of the third kind—a near third world war. Petrov’s orders were to alert the chain of command to any launch warning. He delayed. His logical reasoning intervened when he considered that a first strike by the U.S. would likely mean the launch of hundreds of missiles simultaneously, not just the few seen on his screen. He speculated, accurately so, that there was a computer error. The MAD doomsday before his very eyes was a reflective illusion.

While the Soviet government assured the world later that one man could not have made a unilateral decision to launch an all-out nuclear war, the climate at that moment most likely would have meant a “go” launch by superiors in immediate retaliation to any reported launch alert. Tensions were measured high and distrust was astronomical in those hot days of the cold war. Hasty and uncalculated actions at that moment in history might have meant the end to life as we know it on this planet.

Accounts vary as to what happened to Petrov as a result of his actions. He was, of course, grilled hard and incessantly by his superiors in an interrogation rivaled only by the KGB, FBI or CIA. He was both praised for his actions and reprimanded for not entering the incident properly in the military diary. He was not rewarded. In fact, had he been publicly recognized and applauded, his superiors would be embarrassed and the scientists behind the program would have been humiliated. For his efforts, he was assigned to a less sensitive post. He took early retirement and suffered a “nervous breakdown.” Analysts speculate that in the hair trigger paranoid climate of that incident, had Petrov reported a missile launch up the chain of command, the superiors with only moments to make a decision would likely have decided to launch. Petrov’s hesitation may have stayed an execution— of all life.

Stanilav Petrov was invited to the United Nations in New York City in May of 2004 where the Association of World Citizens presented him with an award and a trophy for his heroic action or in this case, inaction. The same day the Russian Permanent Mission Federation to the United Nations issued a press release contending that a single individual would be incapable of starting or preventing a nuclear war because of the failsafe procedures within government military protocols. However, Petrov’s role was crucial in making any kind of decision while he says he was just “doing his job.” CBS’s Walter Cronkite conducted an interview with Lt. Colonel Petrov and a documentary has been made of the incident that has yet to be broadcast. 

All those Cold War years, the frightening 007 movie From Russia with Love, the radioactive symbols, the constant nuclear drills in schools, the eerie and piercing air raid sirens, the underground bunkers and fallout shelters, and the terror that lived in the children of a whole generation—was because of the imminent threat of nuclear annihilation by the Russians. Yet when the definitive moment came, it was a Russian who said to the death of the world and life as we know it: “Not on my watch;” and became the Soviet enemy and man who saved the world.

©2010 by Rev. B. Kaufman—peacemaker, award winning author, activist, artist, poet and freelance writer who tells humanitarian story and “writes… to simply change the world.” More of her work may be found at www.onewordsmith.com


History Channel excerpt: The story of how nuclear apocalypse was narrowly avoided in 1983 by the actions of one man.  


Truth: Ossie Davis

Ossie Davis 

Actor, Activist

1917-2005

...I am a veteran.... the bomb that had been dropped on Hiroshima not only killed 220,000 people over there, but part of it fell on me, too.... It called on me to make a choice...the choice is to live together as brothers or perish as fools...I choose to live for brotherhood and not for folly. I choose life and not death.

 

Additional Quotes by Ossie Davis

  • Struggle is strengthening. Battling with evil gives us the power to battle evil even more.
  •  Any form of art is a form of power; it has impact, it can affect change - it can not only move us, it makes us move.
  • College ain't so much where you been as how you talk when you get back. 


Biography

When Ossie Davis spoke out against injustice, his words carried the weight of experience. Davis, a distinguished stage, screen, and television actor, devoted his life to the fight for civil rights and progressive change.

In 1935, Davis hitchhiked from his home in rural Georgia to enter Howard University in Washington, D.C. He studied drama with the intention of becoming a playwright. Davis began acting in 1939 in Harlem, where he met the poet Langston Hughes, black socialist reformer W.E.B. DuBois, and other leading figures of the era.

After serving as a surgical technician in Liberia in World War II, Davis returned to New York. He debuted on Broadway in 1946 in “Jeb,” a play about a soldier coming home from the war. Davis’s co-star was Ruby Dee, whom he married two years later. It was the start of a loving partnership that spanned more than 50 years.

Davis and Dee were soon swept up in social unrest provoked by the start of the Cold War and mounting tensions over racial injustice. The couple spoke out against McCarthyism and stood by people like the singer Paul Robeson, whom other black celebrities had condemned for his pro-Communist views.

Deeply engaged in the civil rights movement, Davis and Dee were masters of ceremonies for the March on Washington in 1963, where Martin Luther King, Jr., delivered his “I Have a Dream” speech. Malcolm X was among their friends and Davis gave the eulogy following the black leader’s assassination in 1965. Davis had the courage to praise Malcolm X at a time when most of the white world vilified him, even in death. Said Davis, “Many will ask what Harlem finds to honor in this stormy, controversial and bold young captain…. And we will…say to them…. Malcolm was our manhood, our living, black manhood!”

Davis and Dee continued their creative work, which ranged from the television series Roots: The Next Generation to Spike Lee films including Do the Right Thing and Jungle Fever. Both also wrote plays and screenplays and appeared in numerous television shows. They published their dual autobiography, In This Life Together, in 1998 in celebration of their 50th wedding anniversary. Davis practiced his art and activism right up to the end. He died in February 2005 while working on a movie.

 

Unpunished Nazi Crimes

Survivors and those massacred

After the Second World War, only a few of the chief leaders of the Nazi regime faced an international tribunal in Nuremberg as war criminals. Shortly afterwards, interest in any further pursuit of those responsible for Nazi crimes noticeably cooled. The main reason was the beginning of the Cold War against the Soviet Union, in which the newly established Federal Republic of Germany played an important role as a NATO ally.

Many of those—in the armed forces, in the administrative machinery, in business and in the judicial system—who had got their hands dirty participating in crimes were now needed. Above all, the working class had to be prevented from making a reckoning with the social breeding ground of the Nazi regime, the capitalist system. The German legal system, in particular, had no interest in probing the crimes of the Nazi period, since many of those responsible had continued their careers in the Federal Republic uninterrupted.

In Italy, with the exception of a few military tribunals in the immediate postwar period, there was also little interest in prosecuting Nazi and fascist crimes.

In April 2004, as the trial of those responsible for the massacre in Sant’Anna di Stazzema opened in La Spezia, the Frankfurter Rundschau wrote, “It is not only in Germany that the wheels of justice grind slowly, in Italy also the prosecution of countless massacres of the civilian population by German troops in the final phase of the Second World War has largely petered out. In the early 1950s, when memories were still fresh and many of the culprits—German soldiers and Italian fascists—could still be apprehended, many of the files were closed.”

In addition to the fact that West Germany and Italy were NATO allies, a significant factor was also their close economic collaboration as members of the European Economic Community (EEC), the forerunner of the European Union. But the unstable social equilibrium and the security of bourgeois rule in Italy were of even greater concern in ruling circles, since the Italian working class also had to be prevented from making any real accounting with fascism and capitalism.

Palmiro Togliaatti

The central responsibility for this is born by the Stalinist Italian Communist Party (PCI) under its leader Palmiro Togliatti. Before returning to Italy in 1944, Togliatti had spent 18 years in exile, mostly in Moscow, as a close and trusted friend of Stalin. While many members and supporters of the Communist Party had fought in the resistance movement against fascism and the German occupation, Togliatti joined the bourgeois coalition government in Rome as the representative of the PCI, in order to secure the survival of capitalism in Italy, becoming justice minister and deputy prime minister.

In his role as justice minister, Togliatti issued a general amnesty in June 1946, in the name of “national reconciliation.” As a result, most of the fascists were released from detention: By July 31, 1946, 7,000 of some 12,000 detained fascists had been released. In July 1947, only 2,000 still remained in prison; in 1952 merely 266 were imprisoned. A further amnesty on November 19, 1953, led not only to the release of nearly all remaining prisoners, but also applied to those fascists, who had gone underground (Transnationale Vergangenheitspolitik. Der Umgang mit deutschen Kriegsverbrechern in Europa nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (“Transnational Policies for Dealing with the Past: The Treatment of German War Criminals in Europe following the Second World War”), Norbert Frei, editor, Göttingen: 2006, pp. 556).

The resumption of the trial of German war criminals for the massacres of Sant’Anna di Stazzema and Marzabotto by the military court in La Spezia in 2004 meant at least some of those responsible faced charges and were found guilty. In June 2005, 10 former German SS soldiers were sentenced to life imprisonment in absentia for the massacre in Sant’Anna di Stazzema.
However, the German legal system did nothing to ensure that the war criminals living in Germany were called to account. The whereabouts of two of the former SS men found guilty in Italy were uncovered by investigative journalists and Nazi hunters and their role made public.

In August 2006, Kontrast magazine reported on 82-year-old Karl Gropler, who was involved in the massacre in Sant’Anna di Stazzema and who had lived undisturbed for decades in Wollin, a village in Brandenburg.

Gerhard Sommer

Since early 2005, Gerhard Sommer, also sentenced by the court in La Spezia for his participation in the Sant’Anna di Stazzema massacre, has lived in an old people’s home in Hamburg. The public prosecutor’s office refuses to level charges against the war criminal in this case as well.

German justice, which for decades has failed to make any accounting with Nazi war crimes, and which has blocked compensation claims by survivors and their relatives, has also shown little interest in reinvestigating these crimes in light of the recent court case in Italy.

The ever increasing participation of German troops and Special Forces in numerous international war missions, and German participation in the so-called “war against terrorism,” means that the government is eager to avoid any precedent whereby those responsible for actions that are illegal under international law are held responsible before the courts.

 

Source: http://www.wsws.org/articles/2007/feb2007/marz-f10.shtml